I don’t know about other
professors, but these days I do the bulk of my work in short talks that will
never be published. As one hits the
saggy days of middle age and mid-career, the calendar fills up with little
riffs. “Can you talk for a few minutes
on Opera and Emotion?” “Can you say something about Venice?” “How about a pre-concert lecture on a little
known and in fact very boring piece Brahms wrote when he was 15?” It’s the
academic equivalent of, “Hey I’m getting married in a few weeks. Can you just play this very specific tune for
me that you’ve never even heard?” Often
these gigs turn out to be really fun; ideas for the sake of ideas. You don’t
really need a rock solid argument or footnotes, and the prose can be a little
more creative, i.e, fuzzy. And often
these sorts of gigs present the opportunity to talk to those outside my usual
minuscule musicological circle. But
still they take at least ten times as much time as you thought they would and
usually, for me, involve massive amounts of cursing and swearing which is
sometimes repeated by my six year old. (and some of that behavior from my
otherwise supportive husband). After
each one I tell myself that I’ll say no to everything for the next decade. I then
say a snappy no to one miniscule task only to say yes to ten things a few days
later.
I thought this blog might be a good home for some of
these nuggets. So here’s the first one: Over the summer one of our grad students
asked if I’d participate in a round table on music and politics for a
Technosonics New Music concert. It sounded cool and seemed like it should be
easy, especially after a summer where, among other things, my children and I
played in the Transparency Band while protesting on the lawn at UVa. Along the
way I found myself reading, Plato, Nietzche, and Du Bois. I listened to Louis Andreissan’s De Staat,
based on the parts of Plato’s Republic where the master outlaws various
sounds. And I listened to some great
local hip hop. Much of the trippy little
field trip I went on in my head to write this thing didn’t make it into the
five minute talk and the talk won’t make it into print... But here it is anyway.
When I was asked to participate
in a panel on music and politics I thought it would be easy. Any musician ought
to be able to riff on music and politics; I thought. After all, I grew up
singing protest songs and fell in love with Rage Against the Machine in their
early years. My scholarly work centers on early modern Italy where every bit of
cultural expression was about promoting some political end. In seventeenth
century Rome the reigning Barberini suffered through a plague, a war and a lot
of bad press generated by the conviction of Galileo as a heretic. They handled
it by arranging a grand procession, an Opera, and other events that displayed
their greatness, conflated them with gods, and used musical performance to
reinforce the dominance of church and dynast.
But as I
began to prepare my comments it got complicated and intimidating. There’s a tendency towards a level of
abstraction that defies any practical application and eschews real bodies. It’s
easy to talk about the kind of politics of music in Barberini Rome where music was
used in the Machiavellian performance of power. But it’s excruciating to think
through politics of music, sound, and noise as they play out on real bodies in
real places and especially in this place where politics always comes back to
race. This is a place built by Thomas Jefferson, a man whose commitment to
liberty went hand and hand with the subjugation of black women and men. That
would be the TJ who imagined blacks as incapable of creating real music. This
is a place where, despite a lot of talk about diversity and equity, music is
shockingly segregated; classical music concerts frequently have not a single
African American person in the audience. It is hard to think about why in this
very building undergraduates are still told that Beethoven’s ninth symphony is
a universally great piece of music but if you ask most children living in
poverty who Beethoven is they likely wont know because no one has bothered to
tell them. And many of them will have never experienced live music outside of
school programs which are dwindling by the year.
This
will seem like an odd modulation, but I’m going to retreat for a moment to
Plato. He explicitly connected music and politics. What’s important is that he
understood that music had a physical power to do stuff. He outlawed sounds that
he thought would damage the morals of listeners. He muted sounds understood as
dissonant and clamorous and thus made what is now understood as a distinction
between music and noise. For Plato passion-inflaming music incited
massive injustice, conflict and an explosion of laws that futilely attempt to
control the masses: “they have inspired the multitude with lawlessness and
boldness, and made them fancy that they could judge for themselves about melody
and song.”
Jacques Attali puts Plato’s ideas
into a modern capitalist context when he explains the process of marking music
off from noise as a matter of consolidating community. “Listening to music is listening to all noise
realizing that its appropriation and control is a reflection of power, that it
is essentially political. More than colors and forms it is sounds and their arrangements
that fashion societies. With noise is born disorder and its opposite, the world.”
In this
country it has most often been the sounds of African Americans that get marked
as noise. Plato’s words sound a lot like those of critics of jazz and hip hop. Saidiya
Hartman and Stephanie Bests write that “Black noise represents the kinds of
political aspirations that are inaudible and illegible within the prevailing
formulas of political rationality.” Or to put it differently, music cannot be separated
from race. Certainly, not in this city where the legacy of slavery, jim crow,
segregation, and massive resistance still reverberates through the public
schools, the housing market and music making of all sorts.
And yet
despite the fact that to use Harman’s terms Black Noise represents inaudible
politics Jazz and Hip Hop have been read as sonic embodiments of democratic
theory. Many African American critics have explicitly linked musical forms and
cultures to politics. Ralph Ellison famously posited jazz as the soundtrack to
democratic ideals. And Cornel West explains, “ The interplay of individuality and unity is
not one of uniformity and unanimity imposed from above but rather of conflict
among diverse groupings that reach a dynamic consensus subject to questioning
and criticism. As with a soloist in a jazz quartet, quintet or band,
individuality is promoted in order to sustain and increase the creative tension
with the group--a tension that yields higher levels of performance to achieve
the aim of the collective project.” Writing about hiphop, Imani Perry explains that “ideologically, hip hop allows for open
discourse; Anything might be said, or for that matter contradicted. The reunion
marks a democratic space in which expression is more important than the
monitoring of the acceptable, a space, rather that suppresses the silencing
impulse extant in various segments of America popular culture, both within and
outside black communities.” To be sure the politics of jazz and hip hop are
complicated and where some hear democratic ideals, others hear misogyny and
commercialism; claims that can not be dismissed. But that tension reminds us
that the distinction between democratic and repressive politics is as fuzzy and
conditioned as that of music and noise. And all of these critics are talking
about the experience of making and feeling the music.
Perry uses
Hip Hop to think about racial inequality as reflecting the tension between what
we say and what we do or put differently the space between the abstraction and
the reality. To begin with, many African Americans in Charlottesville have
never set foot in this building. No matter how many free events we offer, many
people will never feel comfortable enough to come on these grounds which are
still often referred to as a plantation. And this building constructed in 1898
closed off the lawn and in the process blocked off a small African American
community known as Canada. That name marked a geography of political
alternatives that began with a free Black woman named “Kitty” Foster who
purchased land for a house in 1833.
That’s
the distinction between what we say and what we do. It’s easy to say we are
working towards equal access to the arts, but it’s really hard to put it into
practice. It’s hard to think about why a sound ordinance that has mostly gotten
press for keeping down frat noise on rugby road is also used to silence some of
the venues in town that are actually working towards promoting hip hop. It’s
hard work to think about why the free music programs in the public schools
remain largely white and affluent. And it’s even harder work to change it.
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